The Lebanese Army attempts to disperse demonstrators at a rally organized by Hezbollah on the road to Beirut international airport, Feb. 15, 2025. (Credit: Ibrahim Amro/AFP)
"The previous equation in Lebanon has changed … The presence of armed militias is now a thing of the past." The truth, in its rawest form, was this time spoken by former Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) leader Walid Joumblatt, and it seems that only Hezbollah refuses to hear it.
"The resistance is here to stay," one of the party deputies reiterated on Sunday. "Those who are betting on the resistance’s fatigue are deluding themselves," reads a banner displayed on the road to Beirut international airport — or should we say, the “road to Jerusalem?” (a reference to its longstanding pledge to fight until the city is “liberated" from Israeli control).
For the past three days, it has been indeed on the road to the airport where the "resistance" has been waging its main battle. Not against Israel’s continuous strikes in southern Lebanon and the Bekaa, despite the cease-fire agreement, but against "Israeli and American diktats" and the "violation of Lebanon’s sovereignty."
Behind this sudden "sovereignist" surge from the Lebanese arm of wilayat al-faqih lies the Lebanese state’s decision to bar an Iranian plane from landing in Beirut after being informed by Washington that Israel might target the airport.
In response, Hezbollah issued its first challenge to President Joseph Aoun’s new mandate and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam’s government.
"Zionists," "traitors," "collaborators of Israel and the United States,” these have been the barbs flowing in since Thursday night, criticizing the same president Hezbollah itself elected and a Cabinet in which it had to secure its presence.
Hezbollah condemns "an attack on the state and security forces," the same forces it did not even bother to consult before launching its war in support of Gaza. It decries "humiliation," even as Israelis left graffiti on the walls as proof of their presence in homes in southern Lebanon.
The most staggering part of this story is that Hezbollah seems to ignore the fact that barring the Iranian plane was in line with the terms of the agreement — an agreement that prohibits any funding or rearmament of the militia — negotiated by its “big brother,” the Amal Movement, and approved by the Cabinet of its ally, then caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati.
And, this is where the real issue lies. Yes, Lebanon is now under a new form of tutelage. But, this is the direct consequence of Hezbollah’s defeat in this war, a defeat reflected in a humiliating agreement brokered by Parliament Speaker and head of the Amal Movement Nabih Berri and Mikati, with the blessing of current Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem.
As for the new leadership, it is now left to pick up the pieces, bearing the heavy burden of a sovereignty that has been sold off.
Unfortunately, Hezbollah does not seem to recognize this reality. More importantly, it is unable to make its embittered base swallow the bitter pill or reveal the hidden side of the agreement it signed.
It does not even seem capable of owning its recourse to the streets — something it once took pride in, as on that infamous May 7, 2008. Instead, it is washing its hands of the initial protests that erupted in several neighborhoods of the capital, blaming them on "undisciplined elements."
One of three things must be true: Either the party is deceiving everyone; or it deliberately mobilized street protests to send a message to the authorities but did not intend for things to spiral out of control, as it can no longer afford a confrontation with the international community; or the internal divisions eating away at it have given rise to two Hezbollahs, two leaderships and two conflicting visions.
In his latest speech on Sunday, Qassem once again sought refuge behind the Lebanese state, arguing that it was up to the government to pressure Israel into withdrawing its troops by Feb. 18, the new deadline set under the cease-fire agreement. But, he seems to forget that the more obstacles he places in the path of the new leadership, the harder it will be for it to pull Lebanon — and Hezbollah along with it — out of trouble.
Hezbollah can no longer afford to deceive itself, faced with its base’s deep disappointment as it mourns the end of its long-held supremacy, in light of the drying up of resources that are vital for reconstruction, and after the loss of Hassan Nasrallah, its charismatic leader who could rally crowds and fighters with the mere lift of his index finger. The time has come for political concessions.
Hezbollah’s survival — and Lebanon’s as well — depends on it. Both Aoun and Salam continue to extend a hand. Refusing to take it would be tantamount to digging its own grave, on the road to the airport.
This article was originally published in French in L'Orient Le-Jour.
