Building a nation

We are surrounded by monsters. We are free to hate them, but we will not change them. We are free to fight them, but will not defeat them — at least not with our weapons. Our greatest challenge is not to overcome them, but to not end up becoming like them.

The longer the war drags on in Lebanon, the more we face this risk. The more opinions become radicalized, the harder it is to engage in dialogue. The more carefully words must be weighed, the more the ghosts of the past resurface… The more the hope of building a different Lebanon fades away.

Two dynamics were observable in recent weeks within segments of the Lebanese population that are not supportive of, and often hostile to, Hezbollah. It is difficult to determine which of these perspectives is more prevalent, as they are fluid enough that the same individual may shift from one to the other within a single day.

On the one hand, this war is driving many Lebanese into Hezbollah’s arms. Despite animosity toward the party, the daily bombardments of large parts of the country, including the southern suburbs and occasionally even Beirut, and the numerous signals pointing to an imminent large-scale Israeli ground invasion, lead them to view Hezbollah as the last line of defense against the enemy.

In their reasoning, the “resistance” is currently the only possible salvation to end this war and prevent Israel from imposing its domination over the entirety of Lebanon or turning it into another Gaza.

On the other hand, some are betting on the opposite. They believe that, despite the heavy toll on Lebanon, Israel is “ridding us” of Hezbollah — something that inevitably had to happen, given the party’s history, through violence and suffering. In their view, the more Israel weakens Hezbollah, the closer the possibility of dreaming of a different Lebanon becomes.

We might be tempted to tell the first group that as long as Hezbollah continues to resist, the war will drag on, and even a symbolic victory for the party would have disastrous consequences for Lebanon. To the second group, we could point out that Israel will destroy Lebanon before eradicating Hezbollah, and to think that something lasting could be built in such a context is a naive utopia or sheer madness.

Today, all we can do is hope for a cease-fire to be reached as quickly as possible, fully aware that it is out of our hands. Whatever we do, and even whatever the Lebanese government does, the decision of war and peace now lies solely with Israel and Iran, and to a lesser extent, the U.S.

Another equally important task lies before us: Ensuring that our country does not tear itself apart during or after this war. No one knows what will remain of Lebanon or Hezbollah when this is over. But the ideology of Hezbollah, which has been propagated for more than 40 years, will not simply vanish, and the millions of Lebanese who view it as a source of pride will not change their minds overnight.

While all of Lebanon is affected by the war, the Shiite community is enduring an absolute tragedy. It is predominantly their villages and homes being destroyed, their members being killed and their families being displaced. Whatever one may think of Hezbollah and its responsibility in this conflict, today it is imperative to show unwavering solidarity with this community. This is certainly not the time to settle scores, much less to celebrate a war that is causing immense suffering for at least a quarter of the Lebanese population. If we fail to understand that their pain is no less legitimate than our own — regardless of what one thinks of Hezbollah — we will never be able to come together as a nation.

Delinking the fate of the Shiite community from that of Hezbollah will be the central challenge in the post-war period. This cannot be achieved through humiliation or violence, nor can it be done hastily.

More than 30 years later, Christians have still not accepted that they lost the war and that the country no longer belongs to them. This denial of reality has fueled a rhetoric of revenge that has sustained Aounists, and to a lesser extent the Lebanese Forces, throughout this time.

The Shiites are far from immune to experiencing something similar, likely in a much more intense way. Party leaders and some of their supporters are already threatening to “rid” the country of “traitors” once the war is over.

Once oppressed, the Shiite community has developed a sense of overwhelming power as Hezbollah has grown. Convincing them that the weakening of the party does not equate to their own downfall will be extremely difficult. They, too, will need to make significant strides, relinquishing their weapons and abandoning the belief that only the law of the strongest matters.

Every Lebanese community has experienced its moment of hubris and mourning in contemporary history. We can hope to finally open a new chapter, but only if we can offer everyone a real alternative. And that alternative can only be the state.

This article was originally published in L'Orient-Le Jour and translated by Sahar Ghoussoub.

Faire nation