The leader of the Free Patriotic Movement, Gebran Bassil. Photo: OLJ
As the Israeli army carries on its ‘incursions’ into southern Lebanon and its daily bombardment of the country, Free Patriotic Movement Leader Gebran Bassil warned against the risk of a new civil war in Lebanon.
The Israeli offensive destroyed part of the country and displaced over a million people. What is your biggest fear right now, against this backdrop?
It’s a very critical time. There is an Israeli plan to cause internal strife in Lebanon, and only our unity can protect us. We must avoid civil war at all costs.
How can we prevent such a war from breaking out?
First of all, we need to be aware of the situation and show solidarity, not just at the humanitarian level. We also need to make sure that the people at home don't try to stir strife, otherwise it will happen.
Who is seeking to cause strife?
Many parties seek to take advantage of internal dissent. Netanyahu is seeking to achieve this goal. His main message to the Lebanese is that they need to separate Lebanon from Hezbollah. I’m against what Hezbollah has done, and against the opening of the support front on Oct. 8, 2023, but I can’t be with Israel. Under no circumstances can I play Netanyahu’s game. Besides, for the Israelis, it’s not just a matter of separating Lebanon from Hezbollah, but rather of separating it from the Shiite community and pitting the Lebanese against each other. As soon as there are problems within one community or between one community and others, the entire country will suffer. Hezbollah is also a political component that represents a segment of the population, and we have to deal with it as such. This is my conviction, even though our political relations were very poor before the war. But today, I can’t accept seeing a community that contributed to Lebanon’s founding being crushed. Lebanon would no longer be the same.
What are you doing to counter this?
I am trying to espouse a unifying discourse. I’m warning the Lebanese against those who want to create internal strife, so as to avoid the division trap.
What do you think about the speech of Hezbollah’s deputy leader Naim Qassem, which suggested that Iran wants to fight until the last Lebanese?
I didn’t see it that way. Personally, I do make a clear distinction between our problem with Hezbollah and Lebanon’s problem with Israel. There’s a big difference. Today, Israel wants to occupy a part of Lebanon and cause internal unrest in the rest of the country. To counter this, we have to make an effort. If today, for instance, a group, whatever its denomination, sought to create a sectarian problem where displaced people are being accommodated, we need to be able to prevent it. The army has a role to play here, as does national awareness among aggressors and among the displaced themselves.
In addition, if we want to protect Lebanon and make it axis-independent, as we hope for, we must not allow Israel neither to occupy it nor to attack the Shiite community. Because that would be a great way to turn Lebanon into an arena that would be open to Yemenis, Iraqis, Syrians, Iranians, Afghans, Pakistanis — in short, to all the Shiites across the world who would come here to fight. Lebanon is not a land of jihad.
Do you believe that there is a plan to transfer the Shiites to Syria and Iraq?
The Israelis are certainly thinking about such scenarios. Didn’t this idea already exist in 2006? But today it’s even more serious, given the systematic destruction of localities in the south and the Bekaa Valley, which is preventing the people from returning to their homes.
Do you think the spiritual summit that was held in Bkirki was aimed at closing internal ranks?
Everything the Maronite patriarch has done recently is part of this effort, and shows that he is attached to Lebanon and aware of the threats facing our country. We share the same positions. Any responsible Lebanese must act in this way, otherwise they would show that they are in a way linked to the Israeli project. In any case, in my speech on Saturday, I mentioned four points: National unity, the cease-fire, the implementation of Resolution 1701 and the election of a president. The Maronite patriarch also mentioned them. In fact, we have no other choice.
I want the state to be strengthened, because no one should be stronger than the state. On the other hand, it’s unacceptable to see Hezbollah weakened, while the state, the economy and the country as a whole are weakened as well. The election of a president would certainly not solve all the problems, but it would give the first sign of recovery of the state and its institutions.
How might this war end, given that Netanyahu seems to have a green light to go to the end?
Either Israel wins, or Hezbollah succeeds in creating a new balance of power that will reduce Israeli aggression. Or, the Americans, after the presidential election, might decide to impose a solution. We need to see how far the Americans would let the Israelis go. I believe that there will be limitations even with the election of Donald Trump. I’m familiar with both logics, but in the end, it’s the balance of power that counts.
Do you think is it in Iran’s favor?
Today, Israel seems to have the upper hand, but will this always be the case? Hezbollah has certainly lost some of its deterrent power at this stage. It either has to be re-established, or another way of defending Lebanon must be found, bearing in mind that this deterrent force nevertheless gave Lebanon relative stability for 17 years. What matters to me is to preserve Lebanon and be able to rebuild it. I also want to defend Lebanon against Israel. If Hezbollah is no longer in a position to do that, we have to find another way.
Do you think Hezbollah should agree to disarm?
It must agree to becoming a part of a national defense strategy. I still believe that the opening of the support front was a mistake. In my opinion, Hezbollah did not believe that Israel would go that far when it opened the front in Lebanon. In my last conversation with the “sayyed,” I told him that Hezbollah starting the war is one thing and Israel doing so is another. In one case, we’d all be behind it, but not in the other.
How do you see a way out of this crisis?
We have to wait for the outcome of the war and reach a cease-fire with as little damage as possible to the internal situation.
What about the implementation of Resolution 1559?
It cannot be separated from the other international resolutions, including Resolution 242 and others. Lebanon is concerned by the application of resolutions concerning Palestine.
Do you think Hezbollah will survive this war?
I think we need to put an end to the idea of eliminating a Lebanese component. It hasn’t happened in the past and it won’t happen now. If we look around across the region, we see that Hamas has gained in popularity among the Palestinians... But Hezbollah must also understand that we can’t go back to the-pre Oct. 8 situation.
What about the presidential election?
We have drawn up a list of names that includes all names in circulation, even those we don’t support, such as Sleiman Frangieh, Joseph Aoun and even Samir Geagea. We are in contact with the various blocs to reach a consensus, or at least on the number of MPs required to achieve a quorum.
What would a consensus leader look like today?
A consensus leader must be able to bring the Lebanese together, not be manipulated by any local or foreign party, and not be corrupt. That’s all I’m asking for. At this stage, I don’t want to take responsibility for the new president.
As per your contacts, would Berri be ready to hold the presidential election?
There are a lot of factors involved. But I think his position is more open. He’s clearly talking about a consensus figure. Still, we need to ensure the required number of MPs [to achieve a quorum], and we are aware of the existence of external hurdles. In fact, the two opposing camps, the pro-Iranian and the pro-American camps, are each betting on war to bring in the candidate of their choice.
Do you see a change in the Lebanese system?
I see changes across the region. But it’s still too early to define them.
This article was originally published in French in L'Orient-Le Jour. Translation by Joelle Khoury.
