The building targeted by an Israeli strike in the southern suburbs of Beirut, on July 31, 2024. Photo by Matthieu Karam
BEIRUT – In the span of twelve hours last week, Israel carried out two major assassinations, traumatized the Lebanese people and surprised everyone. A couple of days before, a rocket attributed to Hezbollah by Israel and the United States killed twelve civilians, mostly children, in Majdal Shams, occupied Golan. While a response was expected after this tragedy, no one anticipated such a cynical choice of escalation.
Beyond the seven victims and 80 injured in Israel’s Beirut attack, the psychological impact is enormous, suddenly reopening the wounds of 2006 among the residents of Haret Hreik. By choosing to strike Beirut and then Tehran, Israel sends a clear message: There are no longer any red lines. In killing a discreet but revered figure in Hezbollah's military apparatus, Fouad Shukur, they seek to show that they know where their enemies are and can strike them whenever they want. By assassinating Ismail Haniyeh, head of Hamas's political wing in charge of negotiations, Benjamin Netanyahu proves he does not want a cease-fire as he attempts to secure a victory to sway his country's public opinion. Especially in the absence of gains in Gaza despite the carnage.
Calls for revenge rise in a climate of shock and emotion from both Hezbollah and Iran. Retaliation has already been announced by Ayatollah Khamenei, and now everyone is asking: Are we heading towards an all-out war?
Turning Point
We are at a turning point, and the possibility of regional conflagration is real. Our sole objective as Lebanese must be to avoid it at all costs. Nothing justifies that Lebanon, already brought to its knees by an unprecedented economic collapse and the cynical machinations of its political class, be dragged further into a war for which it has already paid a heavy price. Since Hezbollah opened its "support front" on Oct. 8, more than 500 people have been killed in Lebanon, including a hundred civilians, nearly 100,000 were displaced, about thirty villages were partially destroyed, while thousands of hectares of farmland were burned with phosphorus. Despite this, many voices succumb to the logic of an eye for an eye. This is irresponsible and even suicidal. Those calling for revenge against Israel along with those hoping for Hezbollah's destruction by Israel are deluding themselves. If a total war occurs, Lebanon will be destroyed to the point of no recovery.
Supporting the Palestinian cause is both a moral duty – there are no words for the 40,000 Gazans massacred, adding to 76 years of injustice and dispossession – and a political imperative, as regional peace cannot be achieved without the creation of a viable Palestinian state. But what have the rocket attacks by militias operating from our soil contributed to this cause? How have they slowed the ongoing massacre in Gaza? And while they have affected Northern Israelis, it pales in comparison to the suffering and devastation endured by Southern Lebanese. It is unacceptable to sacrifice Lebanon on the altar of self-proclaimed resistance.
It is also difficult to trust, as a defender of Palestinian rights, a party that has consistently worked against its own people, as evidenced by the assassinations committed in its name, its repression of the October 2019 popular uprising, and its relentless campaign to derail the investigation into the most devastating explosion in our history. Hezbollah’s interest is to strengthen the regional position of its sponsor – the only one it answers to – to wield more influence in the geopolitical chessboard.
The grave danger posed by Israel's extremist policies over the decades is that of the radicalization of a whole generation. How can we not understand them? Rarely in modern history have so many crimes been broadcast live, supported or even legitimized by the international order. Outrage at so much injustice is entirely justified. The disconnect between global public opinion and the political choices of major Western powers is staggering. Nonetheless, we must keep a cool head and work to calm anger. We must refuse the suicidal traps of hatred.
For nearly thirty years, extremists have gradually taken control of the Palestinian cause. The result has been nothing but dramatic. We all know that peace is far from reach, but we also know it will not be achieved through verbal and military escalation. Neither the failure of negotiations in the past nor the absence of partners today should condemn us to violence and destruction.
My words may seem naive when brute force seems to be the only language, but they must be said because what is at stake is nothing less than the survival of an already exhausted region – a survival that will inevitably require the coexistence of peoples. Muslims, Christians, and Jews have been present in the Middle East since time immemorial. We must fight for them to remain.
The only resistance is the state
But then, how can we help the Palestinians in their quest for justice? To help the Palestinians, we must first want to help ourselves. Build a state worthy of the name so that Lebanon is heard on the international stage as it once was. Take part in international pressure that, though still ineffective, has already cost Israel the battle of public opinion and, through the courageous action of South Africa, reminded the world of the need to return to law. This also involves working on ourselves: What about the Lebanese-Palestinian memory work on the civil war? Where does the work on refugees' rights in Lebanon stand? How can the Lebanese and Palestinian diasporas help each other to have an impact? These long-term but vital questions must be answered.
In the immediate term, to end this tragic spiral, we certainly cannot count on the caretaker foreign minister, Abdallah Bou Habib, who "prays for Hezbollah to calibrate its response." We need a president and a fully functioning government, which must start by defending the Lebanese state's interest and leading a genuine diplomatic effort to implement U.N. resolutions, with 1701 at the forefront. This is not only about preventing strikes from both sides but also about bringing the state, in its entirety, back to the south. Much must be done to restore a sense of security and dignity to the inhabitants. Strengthening the army is crucial so that it contributes to deterrence – just as after the 1949 armistice agreement when its presence and the stature of the Lebanese state allowed us to live in relative calm, without militias or foreign interference. We must find ways to resist Israeli aggression; and the only resistance is the state. Any other project driven by religious doctrine or foreign interests will only lead to more destruction.
While the decision mainly lies with Israel, the United States, and Iran, we Lebanese also have a say, if only to preserve what remains of our sovereignty and dignity. Let's not let the future of Lebanon be decided in Tel Aviv or Tehran!
By Michel HÉLOU
Secretary-General of the National Bloc, former Executive Director of "L’Orient-Le Jour".