Lebanese Army soldiers deployed the day after an Israeli strike on the village of Kfar Roummane, in southern Lebanon, on Sept. 7, 2026. (Credit: Mahmoud Zayyat/AFP/Edits by Nima Salha)
The Lebanese Army is notoriously under-equipped. Part of that is homegrown, but part of it is a deliberate choice made in Washington, and behind it, in Israel. It comes down to three letters: QME, Qualitative Military Edge.
The army has no fighter jets and no serious air-defense system, and parts of its heavy arsenal date back decades. Officers themselves describe an army that "lacks everything." In 2026, Global Firepower ranked it 118th out of 145 countries.
That isn't because it lacks foreign money. The United States, the army's main backer, has poured more than $3 billion into it since 2006, and France and Qatar have also stepped in. Lebanon's own problems play a part too: the legacy of the Civil War, political divisions and the economic collapse. But there are limits to what Washington is willing to give, and those limits largely track Israel's red lines.
The stakes are high. A year ago, the government tasked the army with disarming all non-state actors, Hezbollah included.
So what exactly is QME? What does the army actually have? And can't it just get heavy weapons elsewhere?
Let's break it down.
1- What exactly is the QME doctrine?
In simple terms, it is a U.S. commitment to make sure Israel maintains a military advantage over any potential adversary in the Middle East.
This principle to keep Israel “at an advantage” predates the law, but Congress formally codified it in 2008 under George W. Bush. Since then, proposed U.S. arms sales to any Middle Eastern country other than Israel must be assessed to ensure they do not undermine Israel’s Qualitative Military Edge, or QME.
And “qualitative” is the key word. Israel does not necessarily need to have more of everything. It must retain superior military capabilities allowing it to defeat credible conventional threats while sustaining minimal casualties.
That doesn’t mean Washington can’t sell sophisticated weapons to Arab countries.
Take Saudi Arabia, for example: Washington recently approved the possible sale of 48 F-35 fighter jets to Riyadh. But the Saudi versions are expected to be less capable than Israel’s F-35s, which carry more advanced systems.
That’s QME in practice: You can arm Israel’s neighbors, as long as Israel keeps the edge.
And the rule applies to Lebanon too.
That creates an awkward balancing act. Washington wants a Lebanese Army strong enough to impose state authority at home, while ensuring that the weapons it supplies do not erode Israel’s military superiority.
This brings us to our next question.
2- What does the Lebanese Army actually have at its disposal?
The army is not exactly empty-handed.
Much of the Lebanese Army’s more modern equipment comes from the United States. Washington has supplied it with Bradley fighting vehicles, Huey II and MD-530 light-attack helicopters, artillery, Hellfire air-to-surface missiles and TOW-2A anti-tank missiles.
Then there are the army’s “four or five” A-29 Super Tucanos — its most capable combat aircraft. But the name can be misleading: These are propeller-driven light-attack planes, suited to missions such as counterterrorism and close-air support, not fighter jets designed to take on another air force.
According to a military officer, the army has around 400 tanks, the newest of which are manufactured between 1948 and 1960. He added that the army is also in possession of machine guns, 155 mm M198 and M109 artillery pieces, Cessna aircraft armed with Hellfire missiles, as well as a large number of drones.
That distinction says a lot about the army’s arsenal. It has weapons that proved useful in any potential internal confrontation or against jihadist groups — including during the 2017 battle against the Islamic State (IS) on Lebanon’s northeastern border — and that could give it significant firepower on the ground.
But it has no fighter jets and no serious modern air-defense system, while much of its heavier equipment is decades old.
The contrast with Israel is stark, even if the Lebanese Army is not necessarily meant to fight Israel.
The Israeli Air Force operates hundreds of combat aircraft, including F-15s, F-16s and stealth F-35s. Israel also has a multilayered air-defense network including Iron Dome, David’s Sling and the Arrow systems. Just to cite one example, in 2024, it signed another $5 billion deal for 25 next-generation F-15s, with an option for 25 more.
3- Can the Lebanese Army just get heavier weapons somewhere else?
In theory, yes. Financially and politically, it gets more complicated.
The more basic problem, however, is that: Lebanon can barely afford them.
As stated earlier, the army depends heavily on foreign assistance, meaning that acquiring fighter jets, modern air defenses or other expensive systems generally requires another country to provide them, or to pay for them.
In 2013, for example, Saudi Arabia pledged $3 billion to buy French weapons for the Lebanese Army. The package was substantial, including armored vehicles, helicopters, patrol boats and missiles.
But even that deal showed how geopolitics can shape what Lebanon receives. It was reported that France discussed the package with Israel, which was concerned that some weapons could eventually fall into Hezbollah’s hands. Saudi Arabia ultimately suspended the grant in 2016 as relations with Beirut deteriorated.
Without the money to rearm itself, and given the sensitive political situation at home, the army remains dependent on what foreign powers are willing to provide — and those decisions come with their own political calculations.
