An aerial view of Beirut Airport, March 7, 2020. (Credit: AFP archives)
The ongoing war is shifting dynamics in Lebanon at an accelerated pace. While Hezbollah has been accused of controlling the port and airport of Beirut for years, the Lebanese army has bolstered its security measures within these two institutions, according to a senior military source cited by L’Orient-Le Jour.
The stakes are significant and multifaceted: it is essential to spare the country from a potential blockade by sending positive signals to Western countries regarding the separation between Hezbollah and the state apparatus, thereby dissuading Israel from targeting these two institutions, as it has in the past. Moreover, it signals that the army and, more broadly, the Lebanese state, are preparing for a post-war scenario, not only in the context of implementing UN Resolution 1701 but also to enact measures against smuggling and tax evasion.
These sites have reportedly been used as transit points for arms and various equipment intended for military or security use by Hezbollah. One of the most emblematic cases of these accusations remains the explosion at the port of Beirut in August 2020, after which Hezbollah was accused of importing and storing ammonium nitrate that caused the blast, a charge the party has consistently denied.
In 2018, in a speech to the UN, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu even presented a map of Beirut, accusing Iran and Hezbollah of storing weapons and explosives in three locations, including the capital's port. In September 2020, he also claimed that Hezbollah owned a secret weapons factory near Rafik Hariri International Airport (AIB).
A Shift in Control?
The airport has been at the center of many Western suspicions regarding its actual control. At the end of June, the UL newspaper Daily Telegraph reported that internal sources claimed Hezbollah was stockpiling significant amounts of weapons, missiles, and explosives there. These accusations were firmly denied by the Minister of Transport and Public Works, Ali Hamiyeh, who is affiliated with Hezbollah. However, according to our sources, a decisive turning point occurred on September 28, when the Israeli army infiltrated the air traffic control system of afik Hariri International Airport, threatening to target an approaching Iranian civilian aircraft in Lebanese airspace. Faced with this threat, Mr. Hamiyeh was forced to order the flight to turn back, illustrating the extreme tension surrounding this strategic point. Israel regularly accuses Iran of transferring equipment to Hezbollah via civilian flights and diplomatic suitcases.
Domestically, opposition forces to the Shiite tandem have long criticized Hezbollah’s alleged grip on the Beirut port and airport, accusing it of facilitating smuggling, tax evasion, and a security control that primarily benefits the pro-Iran party.
In 2023, voices were raised to demand the opening of Qleyaat Airport (Akkar), but Mr. Hamiyeh opposed this, arguing that it would require Syrian security approvals due to the proximity of this infrastructure to the border. This position has drawn criticism regarding its implications for sovereignty.
Customs sources have told L'Orient-Le Jour that the situation has significantly evolved in the past week. The strengthened presence of the Lebanese army at these strategic facilities now makes any infraction practically impossible, whether it concerns arms trafficking or other military equipment. Warehouses are under strict surveillance, further reducing the margin for error.
Is Lebanon regaining control of its strategic infrastructures?
This question fuels hopes among those who want to "see the state regain ground against Hezbollah," to quote a fiercely opposed deputy regarding the influence of the party. According to him, this recovery of control should not be limited to the port and Rafik Hariri airport but should also extend to all other crossing points, whether legal or illegal, particularly at the Syrian border. Since it was targeted by an Israeli strike last week, the main border crossing with Syria at Masnaa (Bekaa) has been closed.
Notably, a minister close to Prime Minister Najib Mikati has told L'Orient-Le Jpir that the army's security control over Rafik Hariri airport and the port is a key condition for implementing UN Resolution 1701. "This must include all crossing points, as well as, of course, the borders," he specifies. However, this increase in security measures has provoked fierce criticism from media close to Hezbollah, such as the newspaper al-Akhbar, which in an article published on Friday, October 11, denounced the inspection of all hangars and freight centers at the airport by a security delegation from the American embassy in Beirut two days prior.
Fighting Smuggling and Tax Evasion
Economically, the strengthened security control of the army over the port and airport could thus help reduce tax evasion. A security official confides to L'Orient-Le Jour that the army's meticulous inspections of all imports and exports now impose precise declarations regarding the quantities and nature of goods, making any attempts at customs fraud more challenging. However, the same official emphasizes that the issue of customs exemptions benefiting many religious and community institutions remains problematic. Particularly because some political factions benefit from these exemptions accumulated over decades—and last reinforced in 2000—for security or illicit enrichment purposes.
A finance ministry official explains that the comparison between Lebanon's imports and customs revenues clearly reveals that the state is losing significant revenue due to increasing exemptions and smuggling. Samir Daher, an advisor to Nagib Mikati, estimated in August 2023 that "tax evasion due to the undervaluation of declarations of the actual value of imports represents 4.8% of GDP," which amounts to about $960 million for a GDP estimated at $20 billion, and $800 million in losses for a GDP estimated at $16.2 billion.
The finance ministry official explains that this system relies heavily on the loyalty of customs officials and senior civil servants to the confessional or political entities that placed them in these strategic positions. Thus, the implementation of Resolution 1701 at crossing points does not exempt the government from the necessity of extensive administrative and customs reform. This requirement has already been expressed by the International Monetary Fund but remains unaddressed by Mikati's government.
