L’Orient-Le Jour and Palestine: 100 years of coverage

During Lebanon's civil war, public burnings of L'Orient-Le Jour reflected the deep divisions in the country. The sight of Yasser Arafat's face on the front page of Lebanon's leading French-language daily was enough to provoke outrage among Christian militiamen who saw the Palestinian leader as a symbol of the occupation and the atrocities committed against civilians. For some in the Christian community, his presence on the front page was an offensive, an insult. However, Bachir Gemayel, a prominent figure of the Christian right, defended the paper, stating that it "does more than an armored unit" in the West. L'Orient-Le Jour has faced criticism for its perceived generosity towards the Palestinian cause and has been mocked for its supposedly conciliatory stance on Israel.

The reality, nonetheless, is more nuanced. Throughout its century-long existence, the newspaper’s coverage of the Palestinian issue has been complex and multifaceted. Titles have changed — L'Orient, Le Jour, and later, the merger of the two — and different writers have left their mark. The context has evolved, and even the same editorialists have expressed differing opinions over the years. Reducing this rich tapestry of perspectives to mere clichés is difficult. Yet, one constant remains: from the founding of L'Orient on July 8, 1924, to the present day, Palestine has been a central theme in the newspaper's pages, shaping internal debates and influencing political thought across generations.

The Jewish problem

The early years, L'Orient and later Le Jour — established a decade later in 1934 — were marked by the concurrent emergence of the "Jewish problem" in Palestine. From the late 1920s, Arab uprisings against the Zionist project began to dominate regional news. At the time, what is now known as the Israeli-Palestinian "conflict" was seen merely as a series of "disturbances" with an uncertain outcome. The Lebanese Christian community, which was actively courted by Zionist organizations seeking regional allies, found itself caught between two extremes. On one side, there was an attraction to the Zionist movement, perceived as a modern and innovative approach to minority politics. On the other, a categorical rejection of what was perceived as an existential threat looming on Lebanon’s doorstep. This division was reflected in the writings of the two leading publications in French-language journalism during the first half of the 20th century.

In L'Orient, co-founder Georges Naccache openly expressed his admiration for what he described as the "land miracle of Zionism" (November 5, 1937). "From a country with no economic value whatsoever, they have made a world market," he wrote, while condemning the "terrible ravages" of "Palestinian terrorism" (November 16, 1937).

In contrast, his great rival at Le Jour, Michel Chiha, placed anti-Zionism at the core of his political philosophy. "Sixteen million Jews could have no more right to Palestine than the Christian universe and Islam combined," he argued on September 26, 1945. To Chiha, the sectarian model proposed by the Jewish state was the antithesis of a Lebanon aspiring to be multi-faith, open and liberal.

The Irgum (a Zionist paramilitary organization) attack on the King David Hotel in Jerusalem on July 22, 1946. (Credit: Wikicommons/Archives British Forces in the Middle East, 1945-1947)

The intense intellectual debates were soon overshadowed by the escalating situation on the ground. As the years passed, insurrection spread among the Arab population, while Jewish militias grew increasingly aggressive and offensive. The impotence of the British mandate authorities left little doubt about the direction of events. "The utopia of Jewish-Arab fusion was sinking into bloody bankruptcy," warned Naccache as early as 1936. In September 1945, years before the Nakba, Chiha condemned the "systematic dispossession" and "violent substitution" being inflicted on the Palestinians. Though the issue remained distant from the daily concerns of most Lebanese, it began to alarm a growing segment of the local intellectuals, who saw in it the seeds of future disaster.

The hurricane of 1948

The dramatic shift unfolded shortly afterward. Between 1947 and 1949, journalists from both newsrooms witnessed a total reconfiguration of regional dynamics in the span of a few months. The escalation of violence in Mandatory Palestine, the withdrawal of British troops, the creation of the State of Israel and the ensuing Arab retaliation ignited the first Arab-Israeli war.

In the face of this upheaval, L'Orient and Le Jour focused on factual coverage of military developments and the evolving geopolitical landscape, relying on international dispatches from agencies like Agence France-Presse (AFP), United Press International (UPI) and the BBC.

"On Friday night, at 00:01, Arab armies entered Palestine," Le Jour headlined on May 15, 1948, accompanied by a map.

The front page of L'Orient on Saturday, May 15, 1948, the first day of the Arab-Israeli war. (Credit: L'Orient-Le Jour archives)

The front page’s quasi-scientific tone doesn't mask the underlying emotion in its pages. "The past died at midnight," wrote Kesrouan Labaki on May 15. The gravity of the moment is palpable. The editor of L'Orient lamented that "in 1948, we are not proud to be human."

Confronted with Zionist atrocities and the impotence of the international community, both newsrooms aligned in their stance. Hard-hitting editorials condemned the "blindness of Western nations," the "half-sleep" of the Arab world, the "propaganda" of Western journalism, and the American "prejudice" that allowed "passion to dominate reason" in Middle Eastern politics. Any earlier sympathy for the Zionism, once evident in the writings of Naccache, had entirely vanished.

A humanist sensibility also emerged in the new genre of reporting. Journalists returning from the front lines or displaced persons camps provided intimate glimpses into the war’s brutal impact behind the scenes. "Memories and regrets haunt these men. They come from all walks of life and all ages ... All they have in common is that they are abroad, often without knowing where their families are," wrote Lucie Vidal about the refugees (L'Orient, June 18, 1948).

While the coverage was extensive, it wasn’t exhaustive; certain historical events sometimes went underreported. The day after the massacre at Deir Yassin, where over a hundred villagers were killed by Jewish militiamen, no detailed article appeared — only brief mentions of a "general strike" in Beirut "in protest against the massacre" (L'Orient, April 17, 1948).

The sheer volume of information to process was overwhelming. Beyond the "Jewish-Arab" front, the internal repercussions for Lebanon were immediate. A state of emergency was declared, granting extensive powers to the military authorities. The influx of refugees from Palestine, though initially seen as temporary, raised questions about the capacity of the newly independent state to accommodate them. Authorities exploited this precarious situation to restrict freedoms, introducing a new form of censorship. In L'Orient, Labaki condemned these actions, likening them to the work of a "budding Goebbels" (May 16, 1948). Despite the tense atmosphere, a consensus formed around the duty of Arab solidarity.

The 'Lebanization' of the Palestinian question

For several years now, both editors had been condemning Zionist arrogance. In June 1961, L'Orient described Israel as "the prolongation of the colonial fact," accusing Tel Aviv of making "no gesture likely to express a real desire for peace" (April 19, 1962).

However, the June 1967 war marked a new phase, representing the second major turning point of the half-century. In just six days, the Arab defeat plunged the region into deeper turmoil. The refugees of 1948 were now joined by those displaced from the territories newly conquered by Israel. In the pages of L'Orient, the rhetoric became staunchly anti-Zionist. "All energies must be mobilized" against the "Zionist peril" declared L'Orient editorial on June 6, 1967.  Naccache went even further, telling the Académie Diplomatique Internationale in Paris that "the creation of a state out of the flesh of the Arab world is at the root of all the violence in the region."

The front page of Le Jour on Tuesday Nov. 4, 1969, the day after the Cairo agreements. (Credit: L'Orient-Le Jour archives)

By then, a significant and more nuanced shift started creeping into the public's mind. The Palestinian issue is no longer viewed solely as a concern for "the others" — it now directly impacts Lebanon. In an article titled "Simplement Libanais" ("Simply Lebanese"), published the day after the Israeli offensive, Jean Choueri, then director of Le Jour, argued that "while we were told that the disappearance of Israel could have dramatic consequences for Lebanon, no one wanted to measure what the victory of this other minority, whose aggressiveness is the basis of its very existence, could represent for this country."

From then until the outbreak of the civil war, the Israeli-Palestinian issue became a central element of national discourse. The armed presence of the "Fedayeen," formalized by the Cairo Accords in November 1969, accelerated the "Lebanization" of the Palestinian issue. This development marked the end of the internal consensus that had previously prevailed. The debate became sharply polarized between advocates of the Arab cause and proponents of national sovereignty. The period saw left-wing student demonstrations, strikes, and clashes with the army. For the first time, violence erupted between Lebanese factions in the name of Palestine.

L'Orient, known for its diverse range of perspectives, swiftly took a stand in favor of dialogue and intellectual debate. In the autumn of 1968, the newspaper organized a major conference at its offices on Tripoli Street, bringing together leading figures from both sides. Amin Maalouf, Samir Frangieh, Bachir Gemayel, Karim Pakradouni and others confronted the editorial staff. "A first in the business..." recalls Anne Frangieh, the wife of the intellectual who passed away in 2017. It was likely the last of its kind as well.

Najib Aoun and Marwan Hamadeh in front of a map of Palestine. Year unknown. (Credit: L'Orient-Le Jour archives)

A player in the conflict

The relatively amicable atmosphere of the late 1960s quickly deteriorated. The era of discussions and round-table debates was soon overshadowed by escalating violence. The urgent need, as Choueri wrote the day after the "tragedy of Ain al-Rummaneh," was for "the leaders of both sides to show enough wisdom to set aside their differences and focus solely on reconciliation."

Unfortunately, this was not the case. April 13, 1975, became a dark milestone, marking the beginning of a prolonged series of grim events — the Lebanese Civil War.

For L'Orient-Le Jour (OLJ), which was formed in June 1971 from the merger of former rivals, the civil war altered everything. Journalists faced kidnappings and intimidation, while the newspaper found itself at the heart of a conflict that engulfed it on all sides. In Hamra, where the editorial offices were located, militias imposed their rule. "We used to tell them: 'You've got the wrong enemy; it's not Lebanon but the Zionist aggressor,'" recalls Issa Goraieb, editor-in-chief from 1977 to 2003. The newspaper also faced pressure from the Israeli side. On Aug. 4, 1982, as Israel sought to capture the western part of the capital, shells targeted OLJ’s offices, forcing a two-week closure. Later, an Israeli army colonel personally questioned the editor-in-chief: "Why is OLJ so critical of the Israeli state?"

OLJ offices in Aug. 1982, the day after an Israeli bombardment. (Credit: L'Orient-Le Jour archives)

The newspaper found itself inadvertently involved in the conflict. From a strictly journalistic perspective, however, the war provided unique opportunities. With the world's attention on Beirut, the team had privileged access to the field and key figures in the conflict. One notable moment was an interview with Yasser Arafat at the Sabra headquarters. "The salvation of Lebanon today lies in the re-establishment of state institutions. One might be tempted to think that this significant deficiency benefits the Palestinian resistance. Believe me, it's exactly the opposite," the Palestinian leader stated in September 1980, addressing Amine Abou-Khaled, the editorial director, and Issa Goraieb. The head of the PLO's extensive interview was featured in a long column, in French, in the Lebanese Christian newspaper.

The front page of L'Orient-Le Jour the day after the Sabra and Chatila massacre. (Credit: L'Orient-Le Jour archives)

The interview with Arafat was also a significant media breakthrough. Amidst the chaos of war, the management was determined to present a range of opinions across partisan lines. "There has always been an effort, perhaps inspired by Le Monde, to maintain a degree of journalistic objectivity," noted Gilbert Achcar, professor of international relations at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS). However, in a country where community affiliations influence everything from social organizations to political responses, this vigilance was not always sufficient.

On Sept. 19, 1982, the day after Christian militias carried out atrocities in the Palestinian camp south of Beirut, L'OLJ featured a headline on the "appalling massacre at Sabra and Shatila." Despite publishing reports from international agencies detailing the horror, the editorial staff appeared passive. There was no editorial condemning the violence that day, and no journalists visited the scene of the massacre for several days.

"I regret not having done more," reflects Goraieb today. Can one truly emulate Le Monde’s impartiality when it concerns "our" people?

From Oslo until October 7

Throughout the civil war, the editorial staff of L'OLJ maintained uninterrupted coverage of developments in Palestine. From Israeli repression on Land Day in March 1976 to the "Bloody Fridays" of the First Intifada in 1987, the newspaper reported on the violations by the "occupier" in the West Bank, Gaza, and the "interior" (a term used to refer to what now became known as Israel), while also supporting popular movements. As Christian Merville wrote at the end of the first year of the Stone Uprising, "In this century that is drawing to a close, isn’t revolution made from day to day?"

OLJ's commitment is now also expressed through the voice of Michel Edde, CEO since 1990, who continues the anti-Zionist and Judeophile legacy of his long-time mentor Chiha. On television and in the press, the "Red Maronite" expounds on the origins of Zionism and the history of Jewish thought. By acquiring a certain notoriety in resistance circles, his aura helped shape the newspaper's image - without ever interfering in the editorial choices made by the editors.

But while the issue never left our pages, the end of the civil war gradually eased the political burden associated with the Palestinian "dossier." As the fifteen-year conflict drew to a close, the OLJ once again became an observer, almost like any other, of the bloody stalemate between Israelis and Palestinians. The vocabulary used was gradually smoothed out and brought into line with the jargon of the Western press. From Zionist "enemy" or "occupier," Israel became a state actor now — part of the regional picture.

Front page of L'Orient-Le Jour, Sept. 11, 1993, after Israel and the PLO signed their mutual recognition agreement. (Credit: L'Orient-Le Jour archives)

The 1990s brought a wave of optimism. In Oslo, the "peace machine" seemed to promise a new era.

"Weary and remorseful, the century that is drawing to a close begins to expel the overflow of divisions and hatred from its first half. After the collapse of communism ... it is a wall no less tenacious, no less full of tragic symbols than that of Berlin, which is coming down before our incredulous eyes," wrote Goraieb in L'Orient-Le Jour on Sept. 11, 1993. The moment was ripe for "exaltation"— but it was short-lived.

From the 2000s onward, the atmosphere shifted. The two-state solution appeared increasingly unattainable. The "Arab-Israeli" wars of previous decades gave way to "low-intensity" conflicts between Israel and non-state militias. The Second Intifada, the July 2006 war, and ongoing Israeli military offensives in Gaza, which saw five wars from 2008 to the present day, have perpetuated a cycle of violence. At L'OLJ, despite the passage of time, the headlines remain strikingly similar: "In Gaza’s tunnels, children defy death for a living," reads a July 15, 2009 article. This could have been written five, 12, or even 15 years earlier.

News from and about Palestine remains tragically monotonous, but the regional context is evolving. Arab public opinion is growing weary of a conflict that seems interminable and irresolvable. The upheavals of the 2010s have shifted attention to new and unprecedented issues. The rise of pro-Iranian militias, the aftermath of the Arab Spring and the war in Syria have temporarily altered priorities. The focus has shifted to denouncing the atrocities committed by local autocrats who have often exploited the Palestinian cause for their gain. In particular, Anthony Samrani, co-editor since 2022, writes, "The regime in Damascus won the war by sacrificing its population, sovereignty and future. The king is naked and rules over ruins."

Part of the 8-March coalition, mostly supporters of the pro-Iraninan "axis of resistance," often revive old criticisms of L'Orient-Le Jour's coverage of the subject of Palestine. "L'Orient-Le Jour continues its descent into the quagmire of normalization with Israel," the Hezbollah-affiliated site al-Manar claimed in November 2016. Despite being a century old, L'OLJ can still point to its long history of opposing the ravages of Zionism — from the "Great Revolt" of 1936 to the "Unity Intifada" of 2021, its pages have consistently provided a powerful platform for Palestinian voices.

The reasons behind L'OLJ's commitment to the Palestinian cause have evolved. The newspaper both reflects its era and is shaped by its heritage. Today’s "Palestinian consciousness" at L'OLJ is different from its understanding a century ago. Rather than adopting Chiha's perspective, younger generations at the newspaper are increasingly influenced by "decolonial" theories — a perspective that has also dominated American campuses and anti-racist approaches.

Since Oct. 7, the newspaper's role has gained new prominence. The coordinated attack by Hamas and Israel’s subsequent retaliation in Gaza have thrust Palestine back into the global spotlight. Amidst increasingly strained dialogue between the two sides and divisions within Western societies, L'OLJ strives to provide factual coverage, remaining impartial yet committed and critical. Despite this, its voice is sometimes perceived as too "Palestinian" by some and too "Zionist" by others, leaving it struggling to resonate with all segments of the public.

This article was originally published in French in L'Orient-Le Jour and translated by Tasnim Chaaban.